We condemn in the strongest terms the Maguindanao massacre--the senseless slaughter and mutilation of unarmed women, journalists, lawyers and even unborn babies was so shocking that words fail to convey the outrage felt by those of us who were horrified by the tragedy.

We grieve with the families of the victims. What happened to their kith and kin was so barbaric that we can almost feel their pain and anguish. We are fervently praying that justice may prevail.

The massacre cannot be dismissed as a mere clan war or rido that went out of hand or even an election-related violence. The rido is governed by rules and forbids the harming or killing of women and children; it also does not involve parties other than members of the warring clans.

The testimonies and evidence gathered so far leave no doubt that the Ampatuans led the cold-blooded killing of 57 people last Nov. 23. Our partners in Mindanao said that the Ampatuans are much feared by the ordinary Moros and the Lumads in Maguindanao as they are widely perceived to be capable of getting away with murder. Way before the massacre, the Ampatuans were reportedly suspected to be involved in unsolved killings in the area. The Ampatuan clan and their cohorts are also allegedly occupying areas vacated by people who were forced to flee because of armed skirmishes in their area. If so, this practice has contributed in the swelling of the half a million internally displaced peoples, mostly poor farmers, who no longer have homes to go back to in Maguindanao. Unfortunately, the people are afraid to testify or file cases against the Ampatuan clan because they do not trust that government would be able to protect them from reprisal. The huge mansions of the Ampatuans seem to be quite reflective of the power they yield over the predominantly poor people and their humble dwellings.

Surely, the blame for this massacre falls also on government for cultivating warlordism. President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo had eight years within which she could have dismantled warlordism in Mindanao and other places. But Arroyo strengthened the local warlords to deal with the illegitimacy of her rule. Instead of strengthening democratic institutions and pursuing anti-poverty measures, the Arroyo government established civilian volunteer organizations and other paramilitary groups in 2006 and even issued them firearms. This exacerbated the proliferation of heavily armed private armies of warlord politicians in Maguindanao and the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao. It also left the province as the third most poorest in the country.

Government's handling of the incident is being closely monitored. If government allows the perpetrators to escape harsh punishment, it will weaken the people's already fragile trust in supposedly democratic institutions. Especially because the evidence shows that the assailants were part of the political machinery backed by the Arroyo administration.

If anything, the ghastly incident should spark thoroughgoing reforms in the region. More than merely disarming the private armies, the national government sorely needs to foster the genuine participation of marginalized sectors in governance. In addition, government needs to initiate programs and policies to empower the poor by instituting anti-poverty measures such as asset reform so that the poor would no longer be dependent on the handouts of politicians and local warlords. More importantly, government needs to restore and strengthen rural democratic institutions because these are the weakest link in governance in the region. These institutions include the unprotected people's organizations. Of course, the private sector and civil society also have roles to play in the development of the region especially because multi-sectoral development initiatives that involve the beneficiaries have proven to be successful mechanisms. If the government pursues genuine development and peace initiatives in the region, the ordinary Moro and Lumad people would finally be able to pursue economic and governance activities without fear for their lives.

Lastly, a lot of donor agencies are supporting projects in Maguindanao and other areas in Mindanao. Yet the improvements do not seem to reach the intended beneficiaries as can be gleaned from the still widespread poverty. Many of the projects go through the ARMM, which is headed by Maguindanao Governor Andal Ampatuan Sr. Perhaps it is high time that the donor agencies review the impact of the projects and the support that they have been pouring in Maguindanao and the ARMM region as they might be unwittingly helping perpetuate warlordism and poverty instead of the other way around. The United States has temporarily withdrawn its support for projects in Mindanao, a move that is perhaps a little too late but still the correct step to undertake given the circumstances. Surprisingly, other donors have yet to follow suit despite being aware of the human rights abuses and corruption in the area. If these donors continue pouring support, then they are also guilty of propping up despotic rule in the area.